Myanmar’s poet-warrior shares a vision for democracy

The Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA) has emerged as one of the key players among newly formed resistance groups in Myanmar’s ongoing civil war.
Since Myanmar’s military junta toppled the democratically elected government in a 2021 coup, it has faced heavy resistance from organized militias that are mainly divided along ethnic lines. 
Formed after the coup, the BPLA represents a new element in the resistance — both with its military tactics and with its inclusive approach that welcomes fighters from various ethnic backgrounds. It has recently grown to around 2,000 fighters.
The Bamar are the largest ethnic group in Myanmar, and make up around 68% of the population in the central regions. Historically, they have dominated the country’s political and military landscape.
However, Myanmar is a deeply diverse nation with over 135 ethnic groups, including the Shan, Karen, Rakhine, and many others. The rise of the BPLA is seen as an ideological shift within the Bamar itself that rejects the idea of a Bamar-dominated state, and looks towards a more inclusive future for Myanmar.
The BPLA’s commander is 31-year-old Maung Saungkha, a former poet and activist who was a popular advocate for free speech and human rights.
Saungkha’s transition from poet to military leader reflects a broader transformation within Myanmar, where ordinary citizens have been thrust into extraordinary roles in fighting for democracy, and in many cases, their own survival.
In 2015, he was sentenced to six months in prison for publishing a poem about having a tattoo of former Myanmar President Thein Sein on his penis. He was arrested again in 2020 for displaying a banner criticizing internet shutdowns in Rakhine State as a plot to hide “war crimes and killings” in the wake of persecution of Rohingya Muslims in the region.
With a slight build, sharp eyes, and a calm demeanor, Saungkha does not necessarily fit into the stereotype of a military commander. Yet he plays an important role within the post-coup resistance movement.      
“The support from the Bamar is a testament to the changing mindset of our people,” Saungkha told DW during a meeting at a tea house. 
“They no longer see themselves as beneficiaries of the old system but as active participants in the fight against the junta for a better future,” he added.
His words echo a broader movement in Myanmar, where ethnic majorities and minorities have united in opposition to the military regime since the coup.
“The BPLA was born out of necessity,” he said. “We needed an organized force to counter the military’s brutality and protect our people.”
David Scott Mathieson, an independent analyst specializing in conflict and human rights in Myanmar, believes that the BPLA signifies more than just the emergence of another armed group in Myanmar’s civil war.
“Saungkha doesn’t want to create some new superstructure like the Tatmadaw [Myanmar military]. He wants to create a force that could cooperate with other ethnic brothers and sisters and show that spirit of cooperation,” Mathieson told DW.
He added that Saungkha has “been accepted by many other ethnic armed organizations and is seen as a very credible partner because of his attitude.”
The BPLA has formed strategic alliances with armed rebel groups such as the “Three Brotherhood Alliance,” comprising the Arakan Army (AA), the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).
This collaborative framework underscores the BPLA’s broader vision for unity in the struggle against the military regime, officially called the State Administration Council (SAC).
However, analyst Mathieson warns that there is a risk that the BPLA’s “assertion of Bamar identity could reinforce ethnic divisions in an already fractured country.” 
Historically, Bamar nationalism has been closely associated with dominance over other ethnic groups, leading to deep-seated distrust.
“At the same time, Saungkha’s approach of cooperation with other ethnic groups such as TNLA, KNLA, and AA offers a chance to redefine Bamar nationalism in a more inclusive and forward-looking way,” Mathieson added.
The significance of these alliances was demonstrated in “Operation 1027,” an ongoing coordinated military campaign that primarily took place in northern Shan State, near the border with China.   
  
The area is known for being a stronghold of resistance groups. The operation aimed to weaken SAC control by disrupting supply lines, while attacking military outposts and junta’s strategic positions.
The BPLA was part of the operation, using guerrilla tactics, ambushes, and collaborating with other groups to intensify the assault on junta forces.
This cooperative strategy reflects the BPLA’s core values, which extend beyond military objectives to include a commitment to social inclusivity.
In a significant departure from traditional ethnic armed groups like the KNLA, the BPLA ensures that 30% of leadership roles are filled by women and LGBTQ+ people.
Gender-sensitive training has been introduced, and soldiers can declare relationships openly, with policies in place promoting transparency and respect.
Looking ahead, Saungkha’s said his vision for Myanmar extends beyond just ending military rule.
“Our goal and ideology are centered on ensuring equality and autonomy for all ethnic groups and establishing a federal democracy,” he said.
“Leadership is about understanding the needs and aspirations of your people and guiding them towards a common goal. My experiences as a poet and activist have taught me the importance of empathy and resilience,” Saungkha added.
However, as the BPLA continues to define itself as a Bamar army, the long-term implications for Myanmar remain uncertain.
“The important thing about the BPLA is that it represents one version of this major post-coup experiment in a forward-looking revolutionary movement,” said analyst Mathieson.
Edited by: Wesley Rahn